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the transformation from marginal group to caliphate was its most striking. as one interviewee put it, zarqawis followers were a religious movement, but we are now a state. the network of jihadis is a state. and while that network may be shaped by the individuals who join it, its tools are now shaped by the institutions it creates. the group was a loose collection of cells, many of them based in iraq, where it had managed to build a network of advisors and militants, and its leaders[fn]crisis group middle east report n59, the islamic state: a new generation of jihadists, 12 june 2014. hide footnote were also adept at social media. zarqawis iraq-based recruits were attracted by promises of u.s. support, by opportunities to fight and kill american soldiers, and, in the absence of any better options, by money. the group in the syrian offshoot is also more structured, better-organised and better led. its online media channels are far more sophisticated, and it is now reaping the benefits of using established jihadist media to generate legitimacy for its caliphate, and to signal its war for global domination and presence in many places at once.[fn]see, for example, crisis group middle east report n59, the islamic state: a new generation of jihadists, op. cit., online, and <>. hide footnote the group has also modernised the way it carries out attacks, adapting to the various limits of technology and the ways its enemies try to detect its networks.[fn]isis has also become more aware of the challenges that come with trying to keep in touch with fighters inside syria and iraq and with moving them and their families. crisis group interviews, rebel and government fighters, aleppo, february 2015; and u.k.-based syrian opposition and syrian government fighters, february 2016. hide footnote

egypts evolving policies towards jihadist groups further exacerbated the uncertainty facing libyans by applying the 2013 mapping and intervention strategy (mis), mostly in cooperation with libya. it was dubbed, and criticised by some observers, the egyptian war on jihadism (ewj). [fn] the mis began with a strong emphasis on defeating isis in libya, a major supply source for jihadist groups in egypts sinai peninsula. this was not extended to other groups and stemmed from a tendency by egyptians to focus narrowly on groups like isis, which have the most clear associations with the egyptian state,[fn]while ignoring groups not linked to egypt, such as nusra, that are the most significant threats to its security. the ewj also neglected to apprehend the threat posed by a group like aqim, which egyptian authorities have on occasion
five non-jihadist groups that remained in the restive cities espoused jihadist ideology or appeared to look for funding from libyan islamic scholars. they also include the remnants of the february 17th martyrs brigade (gncs) which had united half a dozen jihadist groups in 2013 and claimed responsibility for the aldeburun bombing in june 2015. the brigade has probably dissolved as most of its fighters surrendered to the jihadists in 2014-2015. some of its leaders were prosecuted for their supposed crimes and others fled abroad.[fn]crisis group interviews, malian security officials, algiers, paris, december 2016. hide footnote




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